Hugo Chavez: A new liberator in oil-rich Venezuela?
              (by Émanučle Lapierre-Fortin)

Big news: Fidel Castro, in power for 46 years, might finally escape the 'special economic period' following the collapse of the former Soviet Union. The socialist states of Cuba and Venezuela now form an 'axis of solidarity' in the Western hemisphere, as they broadcast long speeches through national networks, publicly insult the US president, make allies with governments of questionable reputations, and boycott prized international meetings.

Chávez's hatred for what he perceives as US 'neo-liberalism, imperialism and hegemony' led him to diversify his country's economic links and seek to create a stronger and more integrated trade zone in South America. This was done through a series of commercial ties constituting his 'Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas' to counter the FTAA, which is currently rendered less probable mainly due to a disagreement between US Secretary of State Condeleezza Rice and Brazilian President Lula da Silva. This new agreement now includes Venezuela and Cuba, and implies a transfer of some 80 000 highly subsidized oil barrels and consumer commodities from the former to the latter in exchange for doctors, teachers, professionals, and technology.

But a significant difference between Castro and Chávez is that the latter, at least for the moment, has formal democratic backing from his people. Starting a career in the military and revolted at the sight of the dire effects of the World Bank's Structural Adjustment Programs during the late 1980s, Colonel Chávez attempted a coup against President Pérez, who was broadly recognized as leading a very corrupt and bloated administration. After spending two years in a penitentiary, he campaigned as the civilian leader of a new party in favour of serious amendments to the republic's constitution, and won as Head of State in 1998 with nearly 60% of the votes.

Since the charismatic leader started running Venezuela, observers noticed an alarming increase in the concentration of power in his own hands; he appointed loyal allies to top positions of the National Electoral Council as he gradually restricted freedom of press, hired a consultant to elaborate a black list of dissident citizens, and diverted public funds from the Central Bank to less accountable coffers whose transactions remained at his own discretion. The laws passed in the year 2000, allowing him to rule by decree for a limited period of time, enhanced the tensions among some groups that feared dictatorship, and stimulated the eruption of a huge strike in 2001 involving business and petroleum lobbies.

Times were not getting calmer in Venezuela as the US staged a coup to replace Chávez, but following contested recall referendum that was nevertheless approved by the Organization of American States, he was back in power within 48 hours. This was probably because of the previous measures directed at making politics more participatory, as crucial ID cards were issued to the poor and pools were brought to their neighbourhoods.

In his life-long dedication to his country's poorest, two literacy-enhancement schemes based on Paulo Freire's teachings, Mission Robinson and Mission Sucre, have been put forward to allow all Venezuelans to be able to read their country's constitution and to understand their rights as citizens. The government is also involved in a land reform policy known as Plan Zamora, whose objective is to boost standards of living for peasants and farm collectives and to slow down urbanization rates through a set of land rights.

At the moment, Venezuela is unfortunately spending money that it does not have; it has remained the only Latin American country with double-digit inflation (25% or more) and extremely high unemployment (17% and higher), and Chávez has doubled the national debt during the course of his seven-year rule. Until 1980, Venezuela was the world's fastest growing economy in the 20th century. Today, its income per capita in real terms is at the same level as it was in 1962, as the president is undertaking a sort of "New Deal" to face increasing levels of crime and unrest. Will a war be the real solution for Chávez, as it was for Roosevelt back in the 1930s?

A war with the country's primary trading partner is currently certainly in place, but citizens around the world are left with questions as to the eventual outcome of upsetting the 'Superman in Washington'. Besides threatening the leader's physical integrity, such a combat will force its government to find new and inventive ways to eliminate poverty. These ideas, however, do not seem to be missing, but coupled with patience, consistency, and great deal of work necessary for the revolution, Latin America might find liberation from the intrusion of the United States, just like Bolívar was freed from Spain almost 175 years ago.

Sources

Cameron, Marce. "Collaboration deepends with Cuba." 8 Jun. 2005. 2 Jul. 2005. <http://www.greenleft.org.au/back/2005/629/629p16.htm>.

Chávez, Hugo. World Social Forum. Porto Alegre, 30 Jan. 2005.

Coronel, Gustavo. "Why Hugo Chávez is an Illegitimate President." Venezuelan News and Analysis. 2 Jul. 2005. <http://www.vcrisis.com/?content=letters/200506101611>.

Cuban American National Foundation. 2 Jul. 2005. 2 Jul. 2005. <http://canf.org>.

Forero, Juan. "Opposition to U.S. Makes Chavez a Hero to Many." New York Times 1 Jun. 2005: A4.

"Leaders: Venezuela's oil-rish troublemaker; Latin America and the United States." The Economist 14 May 2005: 10.

Néstor, Francia. Que piensa Chavez. 2003.

Ramon Bossi, Fernando. Alerta que Camina : Los Bolivarianos hoy en Nuestra America. 2003.

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